FROM:
J Can Chiropr Assoc. 2020 (Apr); 64 (1): 16-31 ~ FULL TEXT
Sharli-Ann Esson, BSc, MHScm Pierre Côté, DC, PhD, Robert Weaver, MA, PhD, Ellen Aartun, MSc, PhD, Silvano Mior, DC, FCCS(C), PhD
Canadian Memorial Chiropractic College,
6100 Leslie St.,
Toronto, Ontario, M2H 3J1
Aim: To explore the lived experiences of persons with low back pain (LBP) and disability within the context of the International Classification of Function, Disability and Health (ICF) framework.
Methods: Qualitative study using focus group methodology. We stratified LBP patients into two low (n=9) and one high disability (n=3) groups. Transcriptbased thematic analysis was conducted through an interpretivist lens.
Results: Four themes emerged: Invisibility, Ambivalence, Social isolation, and Stigmatization and marginalization. Participants described how environmental factors affected how they experienced disability and how their awareness of people’s attitudes affected personal factors and participation in social activities. High disability participants experienced challenges with self-care, employment, and activities. The invisibility of LBP and status loss contributed to depressive symptoms.
Conclusion: LBP patients experience physical, social, economic and emotional disability. Our findings highlight the interaction between domains of the ICF framework and the importance of considering these perspectives when managing LBP patients with varying levels of disability.
KEYWORDS: low back pain, disability, biopsychosocial model, ICF framework, qualitative research
From the FULL TEXT Article:
Introduction
Lower back pain (LBP) is a leading cause of disability
worldwide. [1, 2] It is one of the most prevalent chronic disorders
and imposes a substantial economic burden globally. [3] Approximately 80% of adults will experience LBP at
some point in their lives. [1] LBP manifests itself as stiffness,
tension or achiness confined between the costal margin
and the inferior gluteal folds; with or without sciatica. [4]
The pathophysiological causes of LBP are often unidentifiable. [5] This creates challenges to its effective treatment
and management, especially because patients experience
LBP in different ways. [6] Others suggest that this unidentifiable
pathology along with unclear diagnoses and often
the lack of visible proof can cause LBP sufferers to be
labeled as hypochondriacal, malingerers and even mentally
ill. [7–9] This may lead to disbelief or a dismissal of the
seriousness and authenticity of disability associated with
LBP. [10, 11]
In addition to the physical effects experienced by LBP
patients, there are personal, societal and psychological
ramifications associated with the condition. [5, 12] In some
cases, asocial behaviour and negative self-image are additional
consequences of living with LBP. [13] Furthermore,
increased work absenteeism, lower productivity, status
loss, and depressive symptoms often accompany chronic
LBP. [1, 14] However, limited qualitative data is available
which describes LBP patients’ daily experiences with LBP
associated disability from a biopsychosocial perspective. [12, 15, 16] Thus, it is important to understand the everyday
lived experiences of people with LBP and explore how
psychosocial factors impact pain and disability, in order
to effectively address them in their care plan.
The ICF Framework
Figure 1
|
In consideration of the biopsychosocial attributes of LBP,
we framed our qualitative study using the International
Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health (ICF)
framework as a point of reference for our data collection. [17] The ICF is helpful to conceptualize the positive
and negative aspects of functioning from a biological,
individual, and social perspective. [17] The framework emphasizes
the role of the environment by stressing the importance of understanding the context in which the person
lives and its interactions with health conditions and personal
factors.
The ICF includes five interacting domains:
i) body functions: physiological functions of body systems (including psychological functions);
ii) body structures: organs and limbs;
iii) activity: execution of a task or action (including cognitive functions);
iv) participation: involvement in a life situation; and
v) environmental factors: physical, psychological, social, and attitudinal environment in which people live (barriers to or facilitators of functioning) (Figure 1).
The ICF framework is
the international reference for the conceptualization and
evaluation of disability. [17] It is in line with the UN Convention
on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and
provides a common and universal language to understand
disability and human functioning across communities. [18, 19]
The ICF framework provides a structured guide for the
conceptualization, collection and organization of data necessary
to arrive at a comprehensive understanding of an
individual’s lived experience, within the context of their
health condition. Because disability denotes “the negative
aspects of the interaction between an individual (with
a health condition) and that individual’s contextual factors” [17] a clinician engaged in patient care must seek to understand the individual’s environmental and personal
factors, if appropriate care is to be delivered.
We used the ICF framework to guide our analysis and
address our objective of exploring the lived experiences
of persons with low back pain and disability. Our study
is part of an international, collaborative project between
the Ontario Tech University and the ICF Research Branch
(a cooperation partner within the WHO Collaborating
Centre for the Family of International Classifications in
Germany at the German Institute for Medical Documentation
and Information (DIMDI)). The aim of this international
collaborative project is to identify the aspects of
functioning that are most important to participants and
subsequently develop an ICF assessment schedule, a standardized
measurement instrument, specifically designed
for manual medicine for the reporting of functioning. Our
study investigates aspects of functioning among patients
with LBP in Ontario, Canada.
Materials and Methods
Study design
We used a qualitative design to explore the everyday
experiences of persons with LBP. We used Interpretive
Phenomenological Analysis (IPA), situated within the interpretivist
paradigm, to understand participants’ experiences.
IPA reveals complex and dynamic relationships
and places value on the subjectivity of participants’ experiences. [13]
We used focus groups to elicit these everyday experiences.
Focus groups offer a forum that enables participants
in similar circumstances to share their experiences,
and often facilitate disclosure of additional and more nuanced
responses regarding their own experiences. Focus
groups provide richness in the data that reflects the synergy
between participants and explores their perceptions
of an issue. [20] Ethics approval was obtained through the
Research Ethics Boards of Ontario Tech University (REB
# 14050) and CMCC (REB # 1629014).
Participants and recruitment
Participants were recruited from three Canadian Memorial
Chiropractic College (CMCC) teaching clinics in the
Greater Toronto Area (GTA) in Ontario, Canada. Participants
were eligible to participate if they met the following
criteria: 1) 20–65 years of age; 2) reported LBP; 3) were
receiving chiropractic care for their LBP; and 4) spoke
English.
Participants were recruited through advertisements
placed in clinic reception rooms and by clinicians informing
their patients about the study. CMCC staff clinicians
introduced the study to patients and identified interested
patients. The first author contacted interested patients
and provided them with study information and the
informed consent package. Focus groups were scheduled
at the convenience of participants. Each focus group was
conducted in a private room within the clinic, and situated
in a convenient location for participants.
Focus group allocation
We used the World Health Organization Disability Assessment
Schedule (WHODAS) to stratify participants
into low disability focus groups (LDFG) and high disability
focus groups (HDFG). The WHODAS is a 12–item,
self-administered questionnaire designed to assess difficulty
experienced doing regular, everyday tasks. [21] The
WHODAS is directly derived from the ICF and evaluates
six domains of disability the “activity and participation”
dimension of the ICF: cognition; mobility; self-care (hygiene,
dressing, eating & staying alone); getting along
(interacting with other people); life activities (domestic
responsibilities, leisure, work & school); and participation
(joining in community activities).
The WHODAS is
considered to be a valid and reliable measure of disability
and thus was appropriate for stratifying our sample. [22, 23]
The WHODAS is useful to measure disability in chronic
low back pain patients and significantly positively correlated
with the Roland Morris Disability Questionnaire,
the Patient Health Questionnaire-9 item, the Screener and
Opioid Assessment for Patients with Pain-Revised, the
Current Opioid Misuse Measure (COMM) and the Opioid
Risk Tool (ORT). [24] We used a pre-determined cut point
of 36 out of a possible 60 points to allocate participants
into LDFG and HDFG. A score above 36 is suggestive of
a person having higher levels of disability severity. Previous
studies used similar methods of stratification using
this questionnaire. [25–27]
We anticipated recruiting 32 participants, with eight
people in each of 4 groups, with an equal distribution of
male and female participants. However, we presumed difficulty
in recruiting equal distributions due to clinic population
and would accept a 5:3 ratio of participants in each
focus group.
Data collection
We used a script to guide questioning of participants. The
focus group interview script was designed to elicit responses
related to the ICF framework. Further probative
questions explored answers to the questions in the event
that what was said was not understood or required further
clarification (Appendix 1). The script was reviewed in advance
by the research team and pretested in a sample focus
group to ensure clarity and comprehension. Each focus
group was led by a trained facilitator (SE) and assisted by
a co-investigator (EA). Focus groups were scheduled at
different times to accommodate participants availability.
The focus groups lasted approximately 90 minutes each.
Each session was audio-recorded and subsequently
transcribed verbatim with participants’ consent. The recordings
were transcribed by an experienced transcriptionist.
Each transcript was checked for accuracy by cross
referencing the audio file with the transcribed document.
Errors in content and sentence structure were corrected
and extraneous sounds/comments noted. Finally, confidentiality
of statements made by each focus group participant
in transcripts was assured by providing pseudonyms.
Transcripts were not returned to participants for review.
Analysis
We used the NVivo11 Software (QSR International Pty
Ltd. Version 11, 2015) to organize and analyze the transcripts.
There was broad agreement among team members
regarding the essential meaning of the core elements of
the ICF framework. The framework became part of the
scaffolding used during the coding process. These elements
provided the foundation for our thematic analysis,
where emergent themes were identified and conceptually
expanded.
The first author imported transcripts into
NVivo software and reviewed, identifying, organizing,
and coding key passages in NVivo nodes. Team members
discussed and resolved ambiguities in the coding
process as they arose and until consensus was reached.
Once agreement was reached coded nodes were linked to
components of the ICF framework. The framework was
used to scaffold themes emerging from the data. Once
preliminary themes were identified, the team further discussed
how they interrelated within the context of the ICF
framework until consensus was reached regarding the
soundness of the emergent themes.
Results
Table 1
|
We enrolled twelve participants in the study – seven
women and five men, who participated in one of three
focus groups. The two LDFG included five and four participants,
respectively. The HDFG included three participants.
In addition to their varying degrees of disability,
participants also had varying ages, ethnicities, and socioeconomic backgrounds, including students, employed,
unemployed and retired individuals (Table 1).
ICF Domains
Based on the five a priori domains from the ICF framework,
participant experiences were coded accordingly.
Our findings suggest that the domains of “activity” and
“participation” bear similarities that make it difficult to
distinguish between them. Similar findings have been
also reported by others [28–30]; therefore, we merged these
two domains (Figure 1).
Body Function and Body Structure
Participants described various challenges associated with
body structure and body function. These included the exacerbation
of, difficulties sleeping and varied emotional
responses stemming from their condition and pain. In
both the low and high disability focus groups, participants
provided conflicting accounts about the location
of their pain. Some participants suggested that their LBP
was confined to one area – typically the small of the back,
while others explained that their pain was not localized
but rather travelled from one area to the next, making it
difficult to predict when or where the pain would arise.
“When I first started getting the pain I would
say it was somewhat localized and then it started
spreading and now I can’t even tell the difference
anymore because it is throughout my entire body.”
Allan [HDFG3]
Difficulty falling asleep and interrupted sleep are common
experiences amongst persons living with disability. [31]
Participants in the LDFG reported falling asleep was not
difficult but they struggled to sleep restfully or remain
asleep, often having to change positions to relieve their
pain or discomfort:
“For me I have really rough nights sleeping so like
every hour or so I have to wake up and stretch and
move around. So, in the morning the same thing,
it is about a half an hour of stretching and moving
around before I can actually function.”
Corrina [LDFG1]
In contrast, HDFG participants reported struggling not
only with falling asleep but remaining asleep. Allan’s account
clearly exemplifies these challenges.
“I would say both because it is almost impossible
to find a comfortable position where you say, ‘OK
I am not in pain in this position so I will stay here.’
You find yourself tossing and turning all night long
trying to find a position that works and usually you
don’t and 9 times out of 10 the only reason you do
fall asleep is from restlessness.”
Allan [HDFG3]
Participants described how their LBP negatively impacted
their motivation to perform daily activities. Emotional
responses and concentration on daily tasks varied
by participant group. While LDFG participants experienced
few challenges with concentration or maintaining
focus, the HDFG participants described a significantly
diminished ability to concentrate, having to work much
harder than before:
“…I also have a hard time concentrating. So, my
concentration when it comes to studying doesn’t
last more than like 10–15 minutes. So I have to
study in like 10–15 minutes fighting to read and
then break 5 minutes… before I would just go to
class listen and barely have to study anything or
read too much now I find myself doing 10 times
more work just to get one section over with.”
Allan [HDFG3]
Activity and participation
There were marked contrasts among the participants in the
ability to engage in physical actions, which affected their
social relationships, driving and employment. Participants
in the LDFGs expressed few activity limitations. They
were able to differentiate between activities they could
manage and those seen as detrimental to their ability to
function. Unlike the HDFG participants, the LDFG participants
reported being better able to manage their pain
by modifying, rather than limiting, their activities. Many
enjoyed cycling, yoga and swimming, but avoided high
intensity exercises such as running, which they maintained
placed severe pressure on their back and legs/knees.
“I went to a trampoline park with my friends…I
had to completely stop because of pain in my neck,
pain in my back…and I’m like well I’m going to
watch you guys…because you know you can’t really
do the same level as they can...”
Leo [LDFG2]
Conversely, the HDFG participants struggled with even
elementary body movements and body positions, and described
serious exercise restrictions:
“Lying flat is very, very painful. Bending down like
as the day progresses the worse I get and by the
end of the day it is nearly impossible to function.”
Helena [HDFG3]
Participants in the HDFG noted that their chiropractors
recommended exercises to manage their LBP but felt the
chiropractor did not understand the challenges they faced
in doing the exercises. This is an example of the dissonance
between LBP patients and their healthcare providers
which may impact their compliance. [32]
“It limits your ability to do things especially exercise.
So, it seems like everybody where you go
for treatment recommends exercise but they kind of
don’t understand that it is very hard to do things,
especially when you squeeze, the pain just intensifies
times 50.”
Allan [HDFG3]
Most LDFG participants suggested their condition did
not negatively impact their social interactions. In contrast,
participants in the HDFG described a more dramatic
change in social relationships, which included loss of
friends and the desire to socialize. These findings are typical
of persons living with severe back pain and supports
findings in previous literature. [13, 36, 37]
“I just don’t return calls if they call. I don’t think
they understand, they don’t understand what you
are going through.”
Francine [HDFG3]
The employment status of persons in the LDFGs varied
and included retired persons, unemployed persons,
students and working persons. Those who worked were
aware of their physical capabilities and sought employment
accordingly:
“I can’t really do certain physical jobs because I
am not sure if it is going to tighten up…So I try
to stay away from anything like that. The problem
is a lot of jobs are going to still require standing
anyways.”
Leo [LDFG2]
HDFG participants reported fewer employment opportunities
compared to those in the LDFG. All HDFG participants
were unemployed. For one participant, it was a
personal choice to become full-time caregiver for a loved
one. Another participant was no longer able to assume the
labour-intensive demands of their work. Yet another participant
quit her job because other co-workers assumed
her compensatory movements and gait were related to her
being intoxicated. HDFG participants expressed a desire
to return to work but noted their LBP prevented them
from long periods of sitting and standing. They viewed
seeking new employment as a challenge, fearing the potential
employers’ reactions after disclosing their LBP.
“It is also hard to try and get another job…So
when I go and try and get jobs I would rather be
honest…When you say those kinds of things to
people about how you really are, it is like OK, right
away you look at their face and you’re like ‘I know
I didn’t get this job.”
Allan [HDFG3]
Environmental factors
Environmental factors that impacted participants included
public resources, healthcare and the attitudes of others.
Communal spaces and transit were the primary public
resources discussed by participants. Many of the participants
in the LDFG lived within the downtown core and
took advantage of the many available community resources:
“They will also fall-proof your house. So that is
one of the things that you can get, you have to have
a doctor referral to it but they will come in and
look at your house and how you have it set-up and
then do the fall prevention.”
Walter [LDFG1]
Participants in the HDFG, who also lived in the downtown
core, were significantly less informed about community
resources. They knew that some resources were
available online but struggled to access them because they
did not own a computer, were unaware how to access, or
could not afford some resources. A student in the HDFG
described classroom design, uncomfortable seating and
poor accessibility as a barrier to attending classes. They
also noted that although campus buildings were equipped
with handicap push buttons to automatically open doors,
many simply did not function:
“At my school I would say about 75% of the handicap
buttons don’t work and if they do work maybe
it is only in the summer time because in the winter
they get jammed.”
Allan [HDFG3]
Participants with HDFG relied on elevators or escalators to get to higher floors in multi-story buildings.
Where neither were available, they relied heavily on the
handrails of the stairs:
“So every time I walk into a building I always like
to know where the elevator is or escalator or some
easier way to get up and if the last resort is the
stairs then I have to kind of coach myself into doing
it...”
Allan [HDFG3]
Public transit was reported as a significant concern
among most participants. Buses and streetcars were the
most frequently used modes of transportation amongst
participants. Participants in both groups expressed caution
and care when moving on and off buses and streetcars.
The physical design of the vehicles made travel
difficult for participants. One participant suggested that
bus seats provided no back support and aggravated their
pain:
“Yes, their seats are really bad for people with
lower back pain. It is like sitting on a metal plate.”
Allan [HDFG3]
Participants also described experiences with other transit
users, ranging from being helpful by offering a seat to
flat-out dismissive. Participants experienced feelings of
frustration as their disability often went unnoticed, with
few fellow passengers understanding their pain and functional
impairment. Whether in interactions with family
members or with persons on a bus, LBP sufferers often
encounter others’ disbelief of their disability – if they appear
fine on the outside, they must be fine on the inside
too. [33] Since they “look good” and appear to be able-bodied
and fully functional, participants felt their pain was
misunderstood and delegitimized.
All participants sought treatment from general practitioners
and chiropractors. Participants in both low and
high disability focus group were pleased with the treatment
they received in the chiropractic clinic. A few participants
detailed the empathetic and understanding nature
of their chiropractor and positive outcomes of care:
“Actually, my chiropractor now is actually having
me…stand straight and you move your hips forward,
like a tilt kind of thing, and that’s how you
walk and it’s amazing. The pain is much less over
a fairly long period of time you can actually walk
properly.”
Mallory [LDFG2]
“I do like when the chiropractor does work on me.
Basically, they stretch it out first and then put menthol
or whatever stuff they put on it. Like this morning
I was there and I find that I can move around
a lot better once they do that.”
Helena [HDFG3]
In addition to chiropractic treatments, participants in
the LDFGs were more actively involved in their care and
encouraged interprofessional correspondence between
those involved in their treatment, including the fitness
expert at the gym. HDFG participants were mindful of
what they were feeling so they could appropriately articulate
them to their chiropractors. Participants also said
their chiropractors made suggestions about strategies or
equipment they might use to cope with various everyday
challenges.
A unique and interesting finding about participants
attending for chiropractic care was their opportunity to
interact with others in the waiting room. Some participants
did not have healthy social lives and seemed to
appreciate the friendly environment in the clinics. They
often treated their chiropractic appointments as a part of
their social calendar.
“Some people that go to the bar and they drink and
try to get rid of their stress which actually makes
things worse and to socialize. Believe it or not…I
actually get a bit of a high in coming in from my
treatment. So I am getting the medical help and it
is also a social structure too.”
Mason [LDFG2]
The attitudes of friends, family and the general community
were important to all participants. However, there
was a disparity between the groups. Participants in the
LDFG shared varying experiences about the attitudes
of family members and community members. Some reported
that healthy family and social relationships did not
much differ from when they did not have LBP.
“Yes mine hasn’t affected things that much with
getting together with friends and that, so I am
lucky …”
Wendy [LDFG2]
Conversely, participants in the HDFG saw living with
LBP as the reason why they experienced daily personal
strife. They believed their LBP led to the decline of relationships.
They felt their friends and family did not understand
what it was like to live with LBP and were often
reluctant to discuss the pain they experience, and instead
would steer conversations away from pain and disability
or even distancing themselves from others.
“I find that people say they will be there for you,
they are your friends or whatever and even family,
and all of a sudden there will be days or times
when I need somebody for even emotional support
or physical support to do something, and everybody
is busy or they don’t want to come or they
don’t want to hear about it.”
Helena [HDFG3]
HDFG participants implied their LBP was wholly responsible
for their inability to work or effectively function in social
settings. As has been reported elsewhere [13], respondents
also were made more aware of their disability when in the
presence of those who have not experienced back pain, and
they worried about how others perceived them.
Personal Factors
Personal factors that affect participants included age,
co-morbidities, and financial constraints; gender impacted
frequency of activity. Ageing and comorbidities affected
participants’ differently. HDFG participants did not
perceive that age impacted their level of disability but felt
their comorbidities did. In contrast, LDFG participants
were less affected by their co-morbidities and questioned
whether their experiences with disability were a result of
normal ageing processes rather than LBP:
“I think my emotional state is just understanding
that this is a 51–year-old body that has gone
through a lot of sports and athletics and knocks
and bruises and stuff like that.”
Val [LDFG1]
Financial constraints were a recurrent theme among
HDFG but not so in the LDFG participants. HDFG participants’
primary concern was with the cost of engaging
in certain activities or using resources such as a gym.
Instead they emphasized the need to satisfy basic needs
such as securing healthy food and shelter.
“Eating is expensive… You buy what is healthy
and what is on sale and you try to eat healthy...
they say with the inflammation you have to watch
what you eat… you have to watch dairy and gluten
and all that stuff but again they are expensive
stuff.”
Francine [HDFG3]
Self-management was the primary coping mechanism
for participants in both low and high disability groups. It
allowed them temporary relief from their LBP and gave
them the opportunity to function more adeptly in everyday
situations. They used various temporary modalities
to alleviate their pain such as hot/cold packs, topical
pain-relieving creams and painkillers. A few participants
also mentioned that they found deep breathing exercises
and meditation to be effective. Other enablers to functioning
included developing creative self-management
techniques and interacting with other LBP patients. One
participant in the HDFG decreased the discomfort she experienced
when travelling on public transit by carrying
a backpack stuffed with soft items (scarves, clothes etc.)
and used it as a cushion to ease the pressure on her back.
Another participant said that receiving advice from other
LBP patients and learning about different coping strategies
improved her ability to function.
“Hearing what other people are doing, I think
community support is a big thing, because everybody
knows one piece of the puzzle but nobody
knows the whole puzzle.”
Corrina [LDFG1]
Interrelated themes
Due to the interrelated nature of the ICF domains, we
identified four emergent themes that recurred across all
the focus groups and were interwoven among the domains.
We summarized participant responses within these
respective themes as: Invisibility, Ambivalence, Social
isolation, and Stigmatization and marginalization.
Invisibility
Since chronic LBP is not physically visible, non-sufferers
often do not validate that the condition is real to sufferers. [23]
For example, some participants described the attitudes of
transit operators who did not recognize their disability,
while using public transportation. They expressed concern that operators often maneuvered buses in a less than
smooth manner and often accelerated into traffic before
they were seated or in a secure standing position. Corrina
recounted her experience using transit buses:
“They
will put the ramp down but they are not going to put it
down for someone who ‘looks good’”
[LDFG1].
A participant
in the HDFG described an encounter while using
public transportation, where another passenger asked her
to surrender the accessible seat she was occupying to
another passenger who appeared to need it. Participants
reported feeling frustrated by the lack of recognition of
their disability. Even when LBP sufferers tried to explain
their symptoms to others, non-LBP sufferers often failed
to recognize or believe the suffering and functional impairment
of LBP sufferers. Whether through interactions
with family members or strangers, the pain and disability
LBP sufferers endure remains invisible. Their pain is
not viewed as legitimate because they often appear to be
able-bodied and fully functional.
Ambivalence
Participants in the HDFG seemed to display feelings of
ambivalence about how to live with LBP. They seemed
to grapple with whether to accept that they might be less
able to do some things they were previously capable of
doing or to attempt to normalize their current situation,
despite possibly requiring special consideration. Some
used assistive devices to improve functioning. However,
all participants in the HDFG were adamant about only
using these devices temporarily as they strived to maintain
their independence.
Helena noted,
“I can do without any of those devices. I am better
off because once you start using them, it is a crutch
and basically your muscles and whatever further
deteriorates because you are not using them… My
independence with that is no good”
[HDFG3].
Some participants reported refusing to use certain assistive
devices altogether such as wheelchairs and walkers as
they perceived them as symbols of disablement, choosing
not to announce their disability to others. This is consistent
with previous studies suggesting persons with disabilities
often abandoned the use of assistive devices to
avoid the judgement of others and prevent their potential
social exclusion. [34, 35]
Despite lamenting that others often did not recognize
their disability, participants were nonetheless concerned
about appearing disabled and the accompanying perceived
loss of social status. This contradiction illustrates
an internal struggle that LBP patients must manage as
they try to renegotiate and redefine the self to accommodate
for lost capabilities.
Social isolation
The theme of social isolation spanned many domains of
the ICF framework, reflecting the psychological, relational
and emotional aspects of LBP sufferers. The emotional
toll chronic LBP had on participants negatively impacted
their motivation to perform daily activities. Depressive
symptoms sometimes lead participants to withdraw and
retreat to their homes for extended periods of time. [28] Participants
described behavioural changes such as loss of
self- esteem and social isolation that resulted from feelings
of depression. Both LDFG and HDFG participants
felt emotionally drained and disliked being dependent on
others and assistive devices. In particular, participants in
the HDFG felt especially overwhelmed and withdrawn
and wanted to avoid the reality of their current situation.
Francine stated,
“I stay in bed, sometimes all day which is even worse for the back pain… but if you don’t want to get out, you don’t want to get out…”
[HDFG3].
This
withdrawal offers some relief from having to defend or
explain a condition, which others may not acknowledge
or understand. [29]
Across the focus groups, participants expressed varying
experiences related to social relationships. Most
LDFG participants suggested that their condition did not
negatively impact their social interactions; however, they
did acknowledge small changes in their relationships. For
example, one participant identified a change in the interests
she previously shared with friends. When the interests
were no longer shared, friendship ties became frayed:
“I mean I had work friends but only at work. Once
you leave work, they go home you know and didn’t
really have time to talk…My friends are not interested
in what I want to do ok so I would like to see
people more interested in what I want to do and I
will join them”
[Corrina, LDFG1].
Their accounts illustrate the strain on relationships that can occur when the primary subject of conversation revolves
around chronic pain and may eventually become
bothersome to friends, who may not understand this pain.
Respondents felt that friends sometimes shied away from
them to avoid such conversation or interaction.
In contrast, participants in the HDFG described a more
dramatic change in social relationships, which included
loss of friends and loss of the desire to socialize.
Allan notes,
“You will probably lose all your friends, they will
become tired of always having to lag behind”
[HDFG3].
Francine illustrates the lost desire to socialize and the perceived
dissonance been LBP sufferers and non-sufferers:
“I just don’t return calls if they call. I don’t think they
understand, they don’t understand what you are going
through”
[HDFG3].
These changes appear consistent
with persons living with severe back pain. [13, 36, 37]
Stigmatization and marginalization
Stigmatization, and the marginalization that often accompanies
it, became apparent in the focus groups as participants
discussed their physical activities as well as employment,
or lack thereof. Employed participants in the
LDFG were aware of their physical capabilities and limitations,
and sought employment within these confines:
“If I am looking for work I can’t really do certain
physical jobs because I am not sure if it (his back)
is going to tighten up… So I try to stay away from
anything like that”
[Leo, LDFG2].
Unlike their counterparts, participants in the HDFG
described considerably fewer employment opportunities.
At the time of the focus group session, all participants in
the HDFG were unemployed. Some expressed a desire to
return to work but noted that their LBP caused diminished
sitting and standing capabilities. The idea of seeking new
employment became a challenge, as participants feared
the reaction of potential employers once they disclosed
their condition:
“It is also hard to try and get another job…So when
I go and try and get jobs I would rather be honest…
When you say those kinds of things to people about
how you really are, it is like OK! Right away you
look at their face and you’re like ‘I know I didn’t
get this job”
[Allan, HDFG3].
When asked about what would enable them to function
in the workplace, participants in the HDFG said that
it was important for employers to be empathetic towards
their need for frequent breaks. They feared that their LBP
would not be recognized and that employers might think
they did not take their jobs seriously.
The discomfort, shame, and stigma associated with the
negative responses of others towards LBP sufferers has
also been directly linked to depressive symptoms and isolated
behavior. [10] Some participants felt that family members
had other concerns and chose not to discuss their
LBP. In this regard, the disinterest of family members
caused feelings of marginalization.
Val noted,
“…you are at the dining room table with your
family, there is always other people’s issues that
are more important and more pressing kind of
thing, than just ‘oh, you just have lower back pain;
Whatever!”
[LDFG1].
This finding supports previous work by Smith and Osborn13
who found that social situations often intensified
the psychological dilemma faced by LBP patients as they
become self-conscious and are fearful of the judgement of
others.
Discussion
Our findings suggested both commonalities and divergence
between LDFG and HDFGs. The ICF conceptualizes
activity and participation as two distinct categories.
However, numerous researchers have argued that the domains
of activity and participation within the ICF model
are difficult to distinguish. [30–32] Our findings suggest these
two domains bear many similarities and often supplement
each other. Therefore, the domains of activity and participation
were merged and reported together to show individual
limitations and the resulting restrictions that LBP
patients experience.
The ICF framework and its diverse domains enabled
us to capture an array of experiences identified by LBP
sufferers in LDFGs and HDFG. Persons in the LDFGs
had higher levels of functionality but living with LBP required
them to modify several of the activities of daily
living. Further, they demonstrated increased awareness of
the events and activities they could and could not safely
and easily participate in. In most low-disability cases, familial relationships and friendships were only minimally
affected. Nonetheless, several participants expressed
some emotional responses and depressive symptoms
which they associated with living with LBP.
HDFG participants also experienced emotional challenges
living with LBP, but their social isolation and
depressive symptoms appeared to be more extreme.
Their physical abilities were more diminished and there
was evidence of some fear avoidance behaviour. Their
interpersonal relationships with family and friends were
significantly strained and, in some cases, completely severed.
Participants in the HDFG showed a greater proclivity
toward social isolation as a result. They also demonstrated
a heightened sensitivity toward and awareness of
how their illness was perceived by others and how people
behaved toward them. They felt they were no longer able
to maintain social relationships or carry out gainful employment.
These experiences support findings by Walker [29]
who developed the theme of loss in their article. Our
participants reflected upon the physical, social, and economic
losses that may occur as a result of high levels of
disability associated with LBP. [12]
Public transportation was a major topic of conversation
in our focus groups. Most participants agreed that many
of their experiences using public transportation were unpleasant
and this provided a clear example of the challenges
that LBP sufferers face as a result of living with an
invisible condition. The uncomfortable seating and less
than smooth rides had physical consequences for LBP patients.
However, previous literature has focused primarily
on the LBP in transit operators rather than passengers,
suggesting that drivers’ seats needed to be ergonomically
evaluated and adjusted accordingly. [41] Our data suggest an
equally important need is to also assess and evaluate the
passengers’ perspective. A significant portion of the experiences
described by the participants pertain to the effects
of environmental and personal factors as articulated
in the ICF model.
Previous quantitative studies suggest LBP sufferers
are subjected to loss of employment, social identity
and inequality; experience isolationism, depression, distressing
experiences; as well as pain, disability and low
well-being. [3, 5, 13] However, there are fewer qualitative
studies exploring the in-depth understanding of patients’
pain experiences with LBP. [13, 28] A recent systematic review
identified three overarching themes emergent from
28 qualitative studies on chronic LBP: impact on self;
relationships with family and friends, and health providers
and organizations; and coping. [13, 28]
Yet, few of the included
the qualitative studies assessed the effect of age,
gender, physicality, temporality and disability on patients’
experiences. Our study adds to this gap in the literature
by having stratified our focus groups into low and high
disability. The two groups described similar experiences,
though their salience and consequences varied considerably.
This offers an important first step toward understanding
the experiences and impact of different levels of
LBP and disability. Future research should go beyond the
binary distinction used here, to explore how more subtle
differences in levels of LBP and disability affect experiences
and behaviours of those afflicted.
Our findings confirm that disability associated with
LBP has multiple and often simultaneous effects. [42] For
example, participants indicated that physical pain contributed
to their inability to complete activities or participate
in events which in turn influenced people’s attitudes towards
them, friendships, and sense of isolation. This supports
the reported direct interaction between body function,
activities, participation, and environmental factors
of the ICF model. [43]
Our findings highlight the benefits of using a biopsychosocial
model, specifically the ICF model, to interpret
our data. Our findings support the connections among
the domains of the ICF model as manifested in the lives of
those afflicted with LBP. The feedback loop between the
domains in the framework is reflected in the description
of participants’ lived experiences in our study. Our findings
support the contention that personal factors influence
the other domains and humanizes the ICF framework by
valuing and respecting the uniqueness of the person. [11, 43]
Thus, our study adds to the paucity of literature assessing
the potential utility of the ICF in clinical settings.
Strengths and limitations
The use of the ICF framework is a major strength of our
study. Its expansive framework has been shown to be
useful and generalizable in a variety of scenarios and is
applicable to other health conditions and disabilities. [23]
Additionally, the connections between our data and data
previously collected in other studies that also utilized the
ICF framework affirms our decision to use this model. [44]
Other strengths of our study relate to our focus on eliciting participants’ everyday experiences living with LBP.
We recruited participants with varying demographic profiles
and low and high levels of disability. The qualitative
approach encouraged participants to share freely and the
results are likely to be clinically applicable.
There were limitations in the study as well. First, despite
efforts to recruit participants and extend data collection
period, we were unable to achieve our predetermined
sample estimate per focus group. Second, we were
unable to represent fully the similarities and differences
between employed and unemployed participants, as most
focus group respondents were unemployed, which may
suggest that employed people have less time to participate
in focus groups. Third, we were only able to conduct
one high disability focus group. Our results showed that
LBP patients with high disability experienced greater restriction
in mobility (transportation), which could be an
indication that attending focus groups was more difficult
for these persons. We suggest that further research be conducted
in this regard. Fourth, the limited age distribution
of participants impacts our ability to interpret their lived
experiences. Fifth, the sample only captured the perspectives
of chiropractic care seekers, and may under-represent
LBP sufferers with sub-clinical symptomology, or
who seek traditional medical care or no care at all. Finally,
we crudely differentiated subjects into low and high
disability groups that may not account for more subtle
distinctions with regard to LBP severity. Further research
might include a middle group to help detect more subtle
differences with regard to LBP severity.
Significance / implications
Our study raises awareness about the importance of environmental
and personal factors in the ICF framework
and their unique interaction with, and influence on persons’
lived experiences. This information facilitates clinicians
by encouraging them to consider these factors in
their understanding of their patients’ disability and modifying
their management strategies.
Also, our data contributes an important component
to an international, collaborative project by providing a
unique local Canadian perspective of how LBP patients
experience disability. We were able to determine some of
the environmental and personal factors on the ICF framework,
which LBP patients describe as affecting their disability
and functioning. The data will complement qualitative
data collected in Norway and Botswana. Using
similar qualitative methodology, the data collected from
different regions make it possible to access results across
cultures and nations, strengthening the ability for regional
and cultural comparisons. This will aid in the creation of
a standardized assessment tool which will contribute to
improved patient centered models of care and facilitate
clinicians’ ability to better assess and document disability
in LBP patients within the context of the ICF framework.
Conclusion
Our study supports the notion that LBP is associated with
varying social and psychological consequences in sufferers’
daily lives that may not be assessed, documented
nor addressed in their clinical care. The ICF framework
addresses the often-overlooked social factors of the biopsychosocial
model but also includes the impact of
environmental and personal factors. The findings of our
study support the need to measure and address important
social factors, often underrepresented in previous
work. [45, 46] Furthermore, our findings highlight the inherent
interrelatedness of the dimensions of the ICF framework
as they manifest in the narratives describing the lived experiences
of people who suffer from LBP, while valuing
and respecting the uniqueness of the person.
Appendix 1. Focus group interview guide (abridged version).
In what part of your body is the pain localized?
Probe: location of primary and secondary pain and discomfort
In what part of your body do you feel the pain is coming from?
Probe: Joints, muscles, bones
What sorts of physical problems have you noticed about yourself while living with LBP?
Probes: strength and endurance; movements and posture
What sorts of emotional or mental responses have you noticed about yourself while living with LBP?
Probes: ability to concentrate, if easily distracted, energy levels, ability to fall and stay asleep
If you think about your daily life, what difficulties do you encounter living with LBP?
Probe: impact on day-to-day activities, carrying on with usual work or household activities
Tell us about some of the social activities you are involved in.
Probes: : limitations, barriers, impact on others (e.g. friends, family, colleagues); frequency socializing
Think about yourself, your life situation, gender, who you are – how does it affect the way you function?
Probe: experiences with low back pain
Thinking about your environment, e.g. home, working conditions and social settings, what do you
think are some things that enable you to function better?
Probe: developed habits or use of devices
How well do you think society understands you? Would you say people are supportive in helping you
manage from day-to-day? How?
Probe: attitudes and assistance of those around you
What services and/or resources in the community have you used and found helpful?
Probe: system or people assistance
Reflecting or thinking about your surroundings, e.g. home, working conditions and social settings, is
there anything that limits your ability to adequately function? What limits you and how?
Probe: challenges and limitations through the day
Describe any services or resources which you find difficult to use or implement into your everyday
life?
Probe: difficulties accessing or using resources or services
Funding:
Norwegian Research Foundation “Et liv i bevegelse” (ELIB), the Canadian Institutes of Health Research and the Canada Research
Chair Program.
Competing interests
The authors have no disclaimers or competing interests to report in the preparation of this manuscript.
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